TORONTO — It came to this.

Finally, fatefully, after 49 years. After a nationally dismissed upstart in the Pacific Northwest went its first 14 seasons without a winning team. After Ken Griffey Jr. became iconic with a backwards cap and baseball’s sweetest swing. After Edgar Martinez drilled a double down the left field line, and Dave Niehaus’ call — “It just continues! My oh my!” — echoed for decades. After the Kingdome imploded on a sunny Sunday. After 116 wins, the greatest regular season this sport has ever seen. After a 21-year playoff drought inflicted devastating déjà vu. After Ichiro and Felix dragged an afflicted, oft-forgotten franchise through an endless abyss.   

After a 15-inning gauntlet and a go-ahead grand slam.

It came to this, to Toronto, to a deciding seventh game.

To the edge of immortality, and the plummet back to Earth.

That plummet occurred in the seventh inning Monday, when Bryan Woo surrendered a leadoff walk to Addison Barger and a single to Isiah Kiner-Falefa. Rather than trusting closer Andrés Muñoz to protect a 3-1 lead, Mariners manager Dan Wilson turned to Eduard Bazardo.

Which is when disaster, and George Springer, struck.

Springer — a 36-year-old former Astro and Mariners foil — belted Bazardo’s 1-0 fastball into the left field seats, repeatedly pumping his fist while racing around the bases. That swing, that pitch, that decision, was the devastating difference in the Blue Jays’ 4-3 win. It was the kind of sequence that sinks a season.

In the aftermath, Wilson said: “Bazardo has been the guy that’s gotten us through those situations, those tight ones, especially in the pivot role, and that’s where we were going at that point.”

Fans can, and will, dwell on the details. Like Wilson’s decision, a mistake that will fester in franchise infamy. Like the seven runners stranded, bricks slowly sealing Seattle’s tomb. Like the leads — 2-0 in the series, 3-2 heading to Toronto, 3-1 in the seventh inning with a pennant on the line — that were successively, devastatingly lost.

Like the fact that this franchise should finally be making its World Series debut against the Dodgers Friday.

“I love every guy in this room. But ultimately, it’s not what we wanted,” said Mariners catcher Cal Raleigh, his historic season sadly complete, eyes red and watering. “I hate to use the word failure, but it’s a failure. That’s what we expected, to get to a World Series and win a World Series. That’s what the bar is and the standard is and that’s what we want to hold ourselves accountable to.”

If that’s the standard, there have been 49 failures, none more excruciating than this — featuring a fumble feet from the goal line.

Because this season mattered. It mattered for fans who watched Hall of Famers and managers and too many falls come and go without a playoff win. For fathers and sons and mothers and daughters who bonded through baseball. For countless kids who recreated Raleigh’s swing in their backyard, who showed up to tee ball wearing No. 29. For the legion of soon-to-be lifelong Mariners fans who fell in love. For the honorary witches and dumpers and anyone in between. For all those who found community, who danced and hugged and dared to hope, at the corner of Edgar and Dave.

That hope led here. It came to this.

To an end you have to hope is the beginning.

“This is not the end,” said third baseman Eugenio Suárez, who went 1 for 4 in what could be the final game of his second Seattle stint. “I feel like the future for this organization is huge.”

Added center fielder Julio Rodríguez, who slashed a double and a solo homer but also struck out to end the game: “You can’t expect anything less for the team. After getting here, after knowing what we’re capable of, I feel like there’s no less than this for us.”

Right now, that’s empty, unsatisfying solace.

When it ended, cans of beer flew through the air, while the Blue Jays moshed amid the madness. Horns sounded and streams of smoke exploded from the center field fence. Raleigh sat and stared, devastation dawning on the possible MVP. Later, Suárez put both hands on Bazardo’s shoulders and whispered encouragement in a quiet clubhouse. Impending free agent Josh Naylor walked around the room, thanking every teammate. There were hugs and suitcases strewn on the floor, while loved ones waited in the tunnel outside.

Why does it hurt? Because seasons like this don’t happen here. That’s not hyperbole.

Until the Mariners drafted and developed one of baseball’s best starting rotations. Until Raleigh hit 65 home runs, the most in a regular and postseason in AL history. Until Woo lasted at least six innings in 25 consecutive starts. Until Seattle dealt for Naylor and Suárez at the trade deadline. Until Victor Robles soared to snag a liner and unseat the Astros. Until a million separate pieces all slid into place.

Even then, it’s not enough. Will it ever be?

It came to this, the same consuming question and a new plummet. A further fall than ever before. Another celebration at Seattle’s expense.

It had to be Springer. It had to happen in the most eternally tortuous way. It had to be the kind of devastating cruelty that leaves Raleigh — who had already homered — standing on deck.

Baseball, like life, isn’t fair.

But you already know that. You’re a Mariners fan.

A constellation of classified defense satellites built by the commercial company SpaceX is emitting a mysterious signal that may violate international standards, NPR has learned.

Satellites associated with the Starshield satellite network appear to be transmitting to the Earth's surface on frequencies normally used for doing the exact opposite: sending commands from Earth to satellites in space. The use of those frequencies to "downlink" data runs counter to standards set by the International Telecommunication Union, a United Nations agency that seeks to coordinate the use of radio spectrum globally.

Starshield's unusual transmissions have the potential to interfere with other scientific and commercial satellites, warns Scott Tilley, an amateur satellite tracker in Canada who first spotted the signals.

"Nearby satellites could receive radio-frequency interference and could perhaps not respond properly to commands — or ignore commands — from Earth," he told NPR.

Outside experts agree there's the potential for radio interference. "I think it is definitely happening," said Kevin Gifford, a computer science professor at the University of Colorado, Boulder who specializes in radio interference from spacecraft. But he said the issue of whether the interference is truly disruptive remains unresolved.

SpaceX and the U.S. National Reconnaissance Office, which operates the satellites for the government, did not respond to NPR's request for comment.

Caught by the wrong antenna

The discovery of the signal happened purely by chance.

Tilley regularly monitors satellites from his home in British Columbia as a hobby. He was working on another project when he accidentally triggered a scan of radio frequencies that are normally quiet.

"It was just a clumsy move at the keyboard," he said. "I was resetting some stuff and then all of a sudden I'm looking at the wrong antenna, the wrong band."

The band of the radio spectrum he found himself looking at, between 2025-2110 MHz, is reserved for "uplinking" data to orbiting satellites. That means there shouldn't be any signals coming from space in that range.

But Tilley's experienced eye noticed there appeared to be a signal coming down from the sky. It was in a part of the band "that should have nothing there," he said. "I got a hold of my mouse and hit the record button and let it record for a few minutes."

Tilley then took the data and compared it to a catalog of observations made by other amateur satellite trackers. These amateurs, located around the world, use telescopes to track satellites as they move across the sky and then share their positions in a database.

"Bang, up came an unusual identification that I wasn't expecting at all," he said. "Starshield."

Starshield is a classified version of SpaceX's Starlink satellites, which provide internet service around the world. The U.S. has reportedly paid more than $1.8 billion so far for the network, though little is known about it. According to SpaceX, Starshield conducts both Earth observation and communications missions.

Since May of 2024, the National Reconnaissance Office has conducted 11 launches of Starshield satellites in what it describes as its "proliferated system."

"The NRO's proliferated system will increase timeliness of access, diversify communications pathways, and enhance resilience," the agency says of the system. "With hundreds of small satellites on orbit, data will be delivered in minutes or even seconds."

Tilley says he's detected signals from 170 of the Starshield satellites so far. All appear in the 2025-2110 MHz range, though the precise frequencies of the signals move around.

Signal's purpose in question

It's unclear what the satellite constellation is up to. Starlink, SpaceX's public satellite internet network, operates at much higher frequencies to enable the transmission of broadband data. Starshield, by contrast, is using a much lower frequency range that probably only allows for the transmission of data at rates closer to 3G cellular, Tilley says.

Tilley says he believes the decision to downlink in a band typically reserved for uplinking data could also be designed to hide Starshield's operations. The frequent shift in specific frequencies used could prevent outsiders from finding the signal.

Gifford says another possibility is that SpaceX was just taking advantage of a quiet part of the radio spectrum. Uplink transmissions from Earth to satellites are usually rare and brief, so these frequencies probably remain dark most of the time.

"SpaceX is smart and savvy," he says. It's possible they decided to just "do it and ask forgiveness later."

He notes it's unlikely the signals from Starshield have caused significant disruptions so far, otherwise other satellite operators would have complained.

Tilley told NPR he has decided to go public with his discovery because the world's satellite operators should be aware of what's happening.

"These are objects in classified orbits, which could potentially disturb other legitimate uses of space," he said.

When the Supreme Court recently allowed immigration agents in the Los Angeles area to take race into consideration during sweeps, Justice Brett Kavanaugh said that citizens shouldn’t be concerned.

“If the officers learn that the individual they stopped is a U.S. citizen or otherwise lawfully in the United States,” Kavanaugh wrote, “they promptly let the individual go.”

But that is far from the reality many citizens have experienced. Americans have been dragged, tackled, beaten, tased and shot by immigration agents. They’ve had their necks kneeled on. They’ve been held outside in the rain while in their underwear. At least three citizens were pregnant when agents detained them. One of those women had already had the door of her home blown off while Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem watched.

About two dozen Americans have said they were held for more than a day without being able to phone lawyers or loved ones.

Videos of U.S. citizens being mistreated by immigration agents have filled social media feeds, but there is little clarity on the overall picture. The government does not track how often immigration agents hold Americans.

So ProPublica created its own count.

We compiled and reviewed every case we could find of agents holding citizens against their will, whether during immigration raids or protests. While the tally is almost certainly incomplete, we found more than 170 such incidents during the first nine months of President Donald Trump’s second administration.

Among the citizens detained are nearly 20 children, including two with cancer. That includes four who were held for weeks with their undocumented mother and without access to the family’s attorney until a congresswoman intervened.

Immigration agents do have authority to detain Americans in limited circumstances. Agents can hold people whom they reasonably suspect are in the country illegally. We found more than 50 Americans who were held after agents questioned their citizenship. They were almost all Latino.

Immigration agents also can arrest citizens who allegedly interfered with or assaulted officers. We compiled cases of about 130 Americans, including a dozen elected officials, accused of assaulting or impeding officers.

These cases have often wilted under scrutiny. In nearly 50 instances that we have identified so far, charges have never been filed or the cases were dismissed. Our count found a handful of citizens have pleaded guilty, mostly to misdemeanors.

Among the detentions in which allegations have not stuck, masked agents pointed a gun at, pepper sprayed and punched a young man who had filmed them searching for his relative. In another, agents knocked over and then tackled a 79-year-old car wash owner, pressing their knees into his neck and back. His lawyer said he was held for 12 hours and wasn’t given medical attention despite having broken ribs in the incident and having recently had heart surgery. In a third case, agents grabbed and handcuffed a woman on her way to work who was caught up in a chaotic raid on street vendors. In a complaint filed against the government, she described being held for more than two days, without being allowed to contact the outside world for much of that time. (The Supreme Court has ruled that two days is generally the longest federal officials can hold Americans without charges.)

In response to questions from ProPublica, the Department of Homeland Security said agents do not racially profile or target Americans. “We don’t arrest US citizens for immigration enforcement,” wrote spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin.

A top immigration official recently acknowledged agents do consider someone’s looks. “How do they look compared to, say, you?” Border Patrol chief Gregory Bovino said to a white reporter in Chicago.

The White House told ProPublica that anyone who assaults federal immigration agents would be prosecuted. “Interfering with law enforcement and assaulting law enforcement is a crime and anyone, regardless of immigration status, will be held accountable,” said the Deputy Press Secretary Abigail Jackson. “Officers act heroically to enforce the law, arrest criminal illegal aliens, and protect American communities with the utmost professionalism.”

A spokesperson for Kavanaugh did not return an emailed request for comment.

Tallying the number of Americans detained by immigration agents is inherently messy and incomplete. The government has long ignored recommendations for it to track such cases, even as the U.S. has a history of detaining and even deporting citizens, including during the Obama administration and Trump’s first term.

We compiled cases by sifting through both English- and Spanish-language social media, lawsuits, court records and local media reports. We did not include arrests of protesters by local police or the National Guard. Nor did we count cases in which arrests were made at a later date after a judicial process. That included cases of some people charged with serious crimes, like throwing rocks or tossing a flare to start a fire.

Experts say that Americans appear to be getting picked up more now as a result of the government doing something that it hasn’t for decades: large-scale immigration sweeps across the country, often in communities that do not want them.

In earlier administrations, deportation agents used intelligence to target specific individuals, said Scott Shuchart, a top immigration official in the Biden, Obama and first Trump administrations. “The new idea is to use those resources unintelligently” — with officers targeting communities or workplaces where undocumented immigrants may be.

When federal officers roll through communities in the way the Supreme Court permitted, the constitutional rights of both citizens and noncitizens are inevitably violated, argued David Bier, the director of immigration studies at the libertarian Cato Institute. He recently analyzed how sweeps in Los Angeles have led to racial profiling. “If the government can grab someone because he’s a certain demographic group that’s correlated with some offense category, then they can do that in any context.”

Cody Wofsy, an attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union, put it even more starkly. “Any one of us could be next.”

When Kavanaugh issued his opinion that immigration agents can consider race and other factors, the Supreme Court’s three liberal justices strongly dissented. They warned that citizens risked being “grabbed, thrown to the ground, and handcuffed simply because of their looks, their accents, and the fact they make a living by doing manual labor.”

Leonardo Garcia Venegas appears to have been just such a case. He was working at a construction site in coastal Alabama when he saw masked immigration agents from Homeland Security Investigations hop a fence and run by a “No trespassing” sign. Garcia Venegas recalled that they moved toward the Latino workers, ignoring the white and Black workers.

Garcia Venegas began filming after his undocumented brother asked agents for a warrant. In response, the footage shows, agents yanked his brother to the ground, shoving his face into wet concrete. Garcia Venegas kept filming until officers grabbed him too and knocked his phone to the ground.

Other co-workers filmed what happened next, as immigration agents twisted the 25-year-old’s arms. They repeatedly tried to take him to the ground while he yelled, “I’m a citizen!”

Officers pulled out his REAL ID, which Alabama only issues to those legally in the U.S. But the agents dismissed it as fake. Officers held Garcia Venegas handcuffed for more than an hour. His brother was later deported.

Garcia Venegas was so shaken that he took two weeks off of work. Soon after he returned, he was working alone inside a nearly built house listening to music on his headphones when he sensed someone watching him. A masked immigration agent was standing in the bedroom doorway.

This time, agents didn’t tackle him. But they again dismissed his REAL ID. And then they held him to check his citizenship. Garcia Venegas says agents also held two other workers who had legal status.

DHS did not respond to ProPublica’s questions about Garcia Venegas’ detentions, or to a federal lawsuit he filed last month. The agency has previously defended the agents’ conduct, saying he “physically got in between agents and the subject” during the first incident. The footage does not show that, and Garcia Venegas was never charged with obstruction or any other crime.

Garcia Venegas’ lawyers at the nonprofit Institute for Justice hope others may join his suit. After all, the reverberations of the immigration sweeps are being felt widely. Garcia Venegas said he knows of 15 more raids on nearby construction sites, and the industry along his portion of the Gulf Coast is struggling for lack of workers.

Kavanaugh’s assurances hold little weight for Garcia Venegas. He’s a U.S. citizen of Mexican descent, who speaks little English and works in construction. Even with his REAL ID and Social Security card in his wallet, Garcia Venegas worries that immigration agents will keep harassing him.

“If they decide they want to detain you,” he said. “You’re not going to get out of it.”

George Retes was among the citizens arrested despite immigration agents appearing to know his legal status. He also disappeared into the system for days without being able to contact anyone on the outside.

The only clue Retes’ family had at first was a brief call he managed to make on his Apple Watch with his hands handcuffed behind his back. He quickly told his wife that “ICE” had arrested him during a massive raid and protest on the marijuana farm where he worked as a security guard.

Still, Retes’ family couldn’t find him. They called every law enforcement agency they could think of. No one gave them any answers.

Eventually, they spotted a TikTok video showing Retes driving to work and slowly trying to back up as he’s caught between agents and protestors. Through the tear gas and dust, his family recognized Retes’ car and the veteran decal on his window. The full video shows a man — Retes — splayed on the ground surrounded by agents.

Retes’ family went to the farm, where local TV reporters were interviewing families who couldn’t find their loved ones.

“They broke his window, they pepper sprayed him, they grabbed him, threw him on the floor,” his sister told a reporter between sobs. “We don’t know what to do. We’re just asking to let my brother go. He didn’t do anything wrong. He’s a veteran, disabled citizen. It says it on his car.”

Retes was held for three days without being given an opportunity to make a call. His family only learned where he had been after his release. His leg had been cut from the broken glass, Retes told ProPublica, and lingering pepper spray burned his hands.He tried to soothe them by filling sandwich bags with water.

Retes recalled that agents knew he was a citizen. “They didn’t care.” He said one DHS official laughed at him, saying he shouldn’t have come to work that day. “They still sent me away to jail.” He added that cases like his show Kavanaugh was “wrong completely.”

DHS did not answer our questions about Retes. It did respond on X after Retes wrote an op-ed last month in the San Francisco Chronicle. An agency post asserted he was arrested for assault after he “became violent and refused to comply with law enforcement.” Yet Retes had been released without any charges. Indeed, he says he was never told why he was arrested.

The Department of Justice has encouraged agents to arrest anyone interfering with immigration operations, twice ordering law enforcement to prioritize cases of those suspected of obstructing, interfering with or assaulting immigration officials.

But the government’s claims in those cases have often not been borne out.

Daniel Montenegro was filming a raid at a Van Nuys, California, Home Depot with other day-laborer advocates this summer when, he told ProPublica, he was tackled by several officers who injured his back.

Bovino, the Border Patrol chief who oversaw the LA raids and has since taken similar operations to cities like Sacramento and Chicago, tweeted out the names and photos of Montenegro and three others, accusing them of using homemade tire spikes to disable vehicles.

“I had no idea where that story came from,” Montenegro told ProPublica. “I didn’t find out until we were released. People were like, ‘We saw you on Twitter and the news and you guys are terrorists, you were planning to slash tires.’ I never saw those spike tire-popper things.”

Officials have not charged Montenegro or the others with any crimes. (Bovino did not respond to a request for comment, while DHS defended him in a statement to ProPublica: “Chief Bovino’s success in getting the worst of the worst out of the country speaks for itself.”)

The government’s cases are sometimes so muddied that it’s unclear why agents actually arrested a citizen.

Andrea Velez was charged with assaulting an officer after she was accidentally dropped off for work during a raid on street vendors in downtown Los Angeles. She said in a federal complaint that officers repeatedly assumed she did not speak English. Federal officers later requested access to her phone in an attempt to prove she was colluding with another citizen arrested that day, who was charged with assault. She was one of the Americans held for more than two days.

DHS did not respond to our questions about Velez, but it has previously accused her of assaulting an officer. A federal judge has dismissed the charges.

Other citizens also said officers accused them of crimes and suddenly questioned their citizenship — including a man arrested after filming Border Patrol agents break a truck window, and a pregnant woman who tried to stop officers from taking her boyfriend.

The prospects for any significant reckoning over agents’ conduct, even against citizens, are dim. The paths for suing federal agents are even more limited than they are for local police. And that’s if agents can even be identified. What’s more, the administration has gutted the office that investigates allegations of abuse by agents.

“The often-inadequate guardrails that we have for state and local government — even those guardrails are nonexistent when you’re talking about federal overreach,” said Joanna Schwartz, a professor at UCLA School of Law.

More than 50 members of Congress have also written to the administration, demanding details about Americans who’ve been detained. One is Sen. Alex Padilla, a California Democrat. After trying to question Noem about detained citizens, federal agents grabbed Padilla, pulled him to the ground and handcuffed him. The department later defended the agents, saying they “acted appropriately.”